Colombians have been really getting me off a lot lately.

I love putipobres

>>22338556
Hey can I have the sauce for this pic?

>>22338567
>>22338568
>>22338569
>>22338570
>>22338571
She looks very appealing, I'd take her in a heartbeat

>>22338556
that level of asymmetry is nuts

File: aepwfzLz.jpg (125.6 KB)

125.6 KB JPG

>>22338619
The favelas.

>>22338571
Top right: contraception

Poverty ruins bitches

>>22338800
those tittis need to be tied and roped so bad

>>22338800
'preciate it dude

>>22338800
Hey dude
What am I supposed to search for in google?

https://www.imagefap.com/pictures/13651167/Maria Edielma Big Tits

>>22339038
Thankyou very much anon

>>22339069

Thankyou so much

>>22338571
Anyone got sauce? I wanna shoot ropes to this bitch for days

>>22339010
I got you bro, Maria edielma

They all look so bored and disinterested. Is it depression?

>>22338556
>Slum Sluts
Hey, what a nice translation of "putipobre" porn category.

File: 57dc54afc7a26.jpg (272.2 KB)

272.2 KB JPG

third-world milk duds: https://www.shesfreaky.com/gallery/long-columbian-tetas-99324.html

>>22338565
wow, this looks a lot like someone I know, but I'm not sure, how did you got that pic?

>>22338556
What keywords can I search to find girls like this?

>>22340119
"Putipobre" for Latinas.

>>22338578
Holy shit

>>22338565
More of her?

>>22338574
>>22338575
I wouldn't pull out.

>>22339662
Fuckin' love her saggy tits.

>>22339662
Saggy tits and hairy armpits make me diamonds.

>>22339081
Anymore of her?

>Race mixing is wr---- *nut*

>>22341851
I'm married but I gotta admit whenever I see one of these brown Latina girls I just want to hard fuck and dump a load in them.

>>22341406
Oh my lord that's all that I want in life.

>>22342390
I wanna pound the shit out of her while I smell her feet.

Where's the Ukrainian girls?

Salsa, por favor.

>>22342579
Hot as fuck.

G.R.I.M.

150 images and not one breedable in the whole lot.

>>22342597
>Where's the Ukrainian girls?
Living it up in Paris and Milan.
>>22342874
Almost all of them are breedable.

>>22342597
>seething

>>22339056
perfect tits

>>22341307
Nice, Bolivian?

>>22338559
Fuck what a body

>>22338556
why she got one big titty and one bigger titty?

New Thread:
>>22342951
>>22342951
>>22342951
>>22342951

>>22342896
>Almost all of them are breedable.

Demonstrably false.
Most of thee women are biological dead-ends.

>>22340886
>150 images
>only one hot girl
I'll give this one a greencard

>>22343034
>Most of thee women are biological dead-ends.
Then they'd be a genetic match for you.

>>22338578
goddamn is there anymore

>>22339072
Id put 5 or 6 children in her

>>22346914
You'd be a broke bitch too.

>>22339038
thx, man

>>22339000
And exactly which demographic is A-okay with it, anon?

>>22339058
Mmmm, this one is the one where you leave it in and pump her full

>>22339662
damn, imagine if she had some proper nutrition

>>22342917
He's not wrong

>>22342896
All of them are.
>>22352641
>leave it in and pump her full
This but for all of them.

>>22339059
Why are they not using the bricks the way they where supposed to be used? I see this a lot in third world countries. Is it to save on mortar use?!

>>22359005
Lack of education. Could you imagine how much water gets through there?

>>22359005
Bro these protohumans only have bricks because the white man brought them.
Don't think these things are the same as us, they are beasts that can (to a point) mimic human behavior.
This world was supposed to be a playground for european men to adventure around, breeding brown female protohumans and setting up paradises using the natives for menial tasks and sex while our white wives brought up our human kids back home safe in europe.
Instead some power-hungry/gullible retards let a bunch of shapeshifting goblins in who then spent centuries dismantling europe with brother wars and trying to convince us that these dressed monkeys are equal to us and totally should live in europe with us.

This is what they took from us bros.

Also, beta males who bring their pet seamonkeys back to europe are part of the problem. If you want to be a simp and marry one and raise its younglings like a faggot, do it in their country.

>>22361492
bitter and mental as always

Why keep bumping this thread that already reached it's image limit 6 weeks ago. Let it go to archive already. I think I will fill the reply limit so anons cannot bump it again.

The term sex tourism invariably evokes the image of (’white) men, usually older and in less than perfect shape, traveling to developing countries, may they be in Asia, Africa, Latin America, or the Caribbean, for sexual pleasures generally not available, at least not for the same price, in their home country.

>>22364084
Commonly it is considered to be an economic (return) flow from the economic prosperous to the less well-off nations.The health scare ofAIDS has not halted or even hampered this flow of money and sperm but only modified the age composition of the female supply.Yet this nomen-cliche is only part-truth. Part-truth because it overshadows many other forms of sex tourism that currently exist and that may be of similar importance, and locally of greater em'inence.

For example, female sex tourists are reputedly more prominent in destinations such as Kenya,The Gambia, and several Caribbean islands (e.g.,Aparicio, 1993; Beckmann & Elzer, 1995; Brown, 1992; Meisch, 1995; Pruitt & LaFont, 1995). In addition, in the Asia-Pacific region, demand by Japanese and other Asian visitors generally exceeds demand by Western tourists (e.g., Leheny, 1995; Mackie, 1992; Mings & Chulikpongse, 1994). Furthermore, a considerable number of sex tourists are pedophiles. And gay sex tourism is reput¬ edly also quite prominent (Holcomb & Luongo, 1996).

>>22364086
Sex tourism is inseparably linked with prostitution, but they are two different entities that just happen to share a lot of commonalities. One may consider their relationship similar to that of tourism and leisure: 70% the same but 30% different. Both terms—prostitution and sex tourism—are easily understood but very difficult to define in their fullness of meaning.

>>22364087
Commonly, prostitution is considered as the exchange of sexual activity for payment.Yet, such a meaning exclusively relates to sexual-monetary exchanges where one persons sells his or her body to receive a financial benefit. What about a worker or secretary who sleeps with the boss? What about other than financial rewards?

>>22364088
And what about those persons who are selling their persons to work on farms or factories for a minimum wage with the sole hope of surviving (see Chapter 5 and Chapter 15)? Or on a more intellectual level, how about the person who gives up his/her ideals in order to get and keep a job? Is not that person also prostituting—selling out to somebody for monetary rewards?

>>22364090
The term sex tourism is conceivably even more complex and difficult to define. Obviously a major component is tourism, which, if one uses the World Tourism Organization’s (WTO) definition, requires a person to be 24 hours away from home to be termed a tourist and less than that to be an excursionist. Hence, are there sex tourists and sex excursionists? For example, what about all the prostitutes in Mexican border cities who serve a largely “international excursionist” clientele (Roebuck & McNamara, 1973).

>>22364091
And need sex to be the major component of the journey or a motive for the journey? Or can it be a side activity, convenient be¬ cause of the circumstances and actively sought but not crucial to the trip? Is the intention to have sex already enough or does there need to be a “sexual act”? Does it have to be an unknown sexual partner on a trip to be counted as sex tourism, as one obviously excludes the usual partner?

>>22364092

Surely, the wedding certificate alone cannot be a determining factor either, as too many cases are known where people temporarily got married simply for sexually exploitive motives and/or to circum¬ vent legal barriers to work (Launer, 1991; Schmitz, 1987a).And what about “repeat visits” to the same prostitute in the same destination, which apparently is not too uncommon among sex tourists to Thailand (Cohen, 1986,1993; Odzer, 1994) or elsewhere (Kleiber & Wilke, 1995; Symanski, 1981).

>>22364093


And just as trips to “second homes” are included within the tourism domain, are trips to “second wives” or concubines also considered within the domain of sex tourism? And what exactly is considered “sex”? Does it have to be vaginal in heterosexual relationships or can it be anal, oral, hand jobs, or watching others perform either live or in video or per Internet with or without masturbation? How about the virtual reality sex tourist, or was it excursionist as the cyberspace stay is usually less than 24 hours, espe¬ cially on one site?

>>22364094

And who has to travel? The demand to the supply as in tradi¬ tional tourist interactions? Or supply to demand as in modern tourist settings where tourist attractions are reinvented in closer proximity to the demand loca¬ tion for convenience?

>>22364095

This range of questions, which undoubtedly could be extended considerably, reveals the wide isthmus that needs to be crossed before one can truly understand and position sex tourism as a concept.The reduction of sex tourism to “tourism whose main or major motivation is to consummate commercial sexual relations” (e.g., Graburn, 1983; Hall, 1992) would mean an oversimplification of the whole concept and, as the following discussion will demonstrate, an exclusion of the majority of sex tourism cases and settings.

>>22364096

Or as Kruhse-MountBurton (1995) phrased it, it “masks the complex process by which individuals choose to seek sexual gratification, first within prostitution, and secondly as a part of the tourist experience” (p. 192).The remainder of this chapter intends to provide a framework for inquiry into the arena of sex tourism and prostitution in order to facilitate a more ordered, directed, and balanced analysis of these topics instead of the one¬ sided representation so common in the contemporary sex tourism literature. It is the consequent development of ideas suggested by the author previously

>>22364097

(Oppermann, 1996). Although this book generally refers to sex tourism, one needs to realize that a considerable amount of demand is usually generated locally, as, for example, shown by Cooper and Hanson in Chapter 15. Also dance bars are often considered as “recreational” settings (see Chapters 11 and 12) where only a small proportion of the customers are tourists in its strictest sense.

>>22364098

With a few notable exceptions the topic [prostitution] has not been seen as one for serious intellectual inquiry until relatively recent times. For all the touted liberalism one is supposed to find in universities, academics have been amazingly provincial toward the topic. (Symanski, 1981: xii)

>>22364100


Although the situation has improved somewhat over the last 15 years, a literature review quickly reveals the narrow scope of the majority of studies that might be considered as falling into the domain of sex tourism research. On one side are those books and studies that intend to reveal the male sex tourist flows from the developed to the developing countries with all their associated effects, very often highlighting the child exploitation issue (e.g.,Ackermann & Filter, 1994; Bugnicourt, 1977; Latza, 1987; Maurer, 1991; Launer, 1993; O’Grady, 1992; Renschler, 1987a;Thiemann, 1989).

>>22364102
At least geographically and conceptually falling into the same category are more academic studies that report on the phenomenon of sex tourism in, predominantly. Southeast and East Asia (e.g.. Hall, 1992, 1994a; Leheny, 1995). Interestingly enough, the fact that a majority of sex tourists in infamous Thailand are from neighboring developing countries is generally ignored in these studies, but it was highlighted by Mings and Chulikpongse (1994) and mentioned by Renschler (1987b).

>>22364103

Also, there seems to exist an emerging interest in gay (sex) tourism with its recognized monetary value in excess of US$10 billion worth of travel spending per year (Holcomb & Luongo, 1996).

>>22364104


An increasing number of studies devote their attention to female tourists seeking romance or other sexual encounters, again tourists being from the developed and the “conquered” from the developing world (e.g.. Brown, 1992, Meisch, 1995, Pruitt & LaFont, 1995). Gunther argues (Chapter 7) that the difference between male sex tourism and female romance tourism is minimal, contrary to the argument by Pruitt and LaFont (1995).

>>22364105


Male sex tourists also often want more than simple physical release and view the exchange of money for sex as unimportant. Kleiber and Wilke’s (1995) data indicate, however, that female sex tourists do seem to have a somewhat different approach to sexual encounters in the destination country.

>>22364106


Unfortunately, their limited data set on female sex tourists (n = 12) does not allow the drawing of irrefutable conclusions on the differences and similarities between male and female sex tourists. In the same study, the authors also revealed that the interviewed sex tourists usually do not consider themselves as such, despite having preplanned to have sex with locals and often reimbursing the prostitutes
with money.

>>22364107

In contrast to the sex tourists traveling to the destinations, very little is known about prostitutes traveling to their workplace, although a large number of “internationals” are working in strip joints, massage parlors, brothels, and walking the streets in most countries (e g., Leheny, 1995; Maurer, 1991; Schmitz, 1987b).
Not always are these women working there because of their own free will. But it is not or has not always been women from the developing countries who are traded around the globe.

>>22364108

As Hanson points out (Chapter 5), white slavery was quite common well into this century, and Dietrich (1989) provided a historical account of how women from Europe and especially Germany were sold into brothels overseas.The current focus on sex tourism destinations in the Third World ignores the fact there is an international market for prostitutes that often replicates the sex tourism routes (Schoning-Kalendar, 1989), sometimes in the disguise of marriage trade (Ackermann & Filter, 1994; Launer, 1991;Tubinger Projektgruppe

>>22364109

As Schoning-Kalendar (1989) put it, the “resource woman” is either imported from the Third World or consumed at the place of production just as many other resources. Yet she also recognized that prostitution is a survival strategy for many women in the Third World who lack other avenues of gaining sufficient income.

>>22364110

Little attention has been paid to homosexual sex tourism, with most studies having discussed heterosexual encounters. Interdeveloping countries’ and interdeveloped countries’ sex tourism have also received very limited attention, perhaps as a result of the inability to place them into a dependence and thus exploitation perspective. Several authors have pointed out the fact, however, that domestic sex demand in developing countries, including Thailand (and most likely also in the developed world), is of similar if not greater importance than the highly publicized interna¬ tional sex tourism part (e.g.. Chapter 15;AGISRA, 1990;Wilkinson & Pratiwi, 1995).

>>22364111


When studies have looked at the individual person level, the focus has mostly been at the prostitutes or supply personal and not at the customers and their thoughts and motivations. Gunther (Chapter 7) closes a crucial gap here with his presenta¬ tion on the reasoning of a sex tourist. Kleiber and Wilke’s (1995) study on the motives and activities of German sex tourists on overseas trips and Kleiber and Velten s (1994) study of customers of prostitutes in Germany are other recent valuable contributions to this much neglected area.

>>22364112


An area yet to be fully covered is tourism where sex tourism settings and sex tourists constitute the attraction for other voyeurists. Latza (1987) mentioned in passing that many Western women can be seen in Gogo-bars and other establish¬ ments in Thailand, obviously in a voyeuristic role observing the male sex tourist behavior.Then again, at least massage parlors are not strangers to female customers as the same author pointed out and there may be a number of female tourists testing out their lesbian nature.

>>22364113

Moreover, many red light districts around the world constitute major tourist attractions for tourists who are not going to pay for sexual services but rather visiting those places for voyeuristic reasons (e.g., Ashworth, White, & Winchester, 1988).

>>22364114


Due to the prevalent double moral standard in most societies, the customers of prostitutes, in contrast to the prostitutes themselves, are rarely ever stigmatized or, where prostitution is illegal, seldom prosecuted for their usage of prostitute services (Cottingham, 1981).

>>22364115


It is and has always been the prostitutes who had and still have to bear the brunt of society’s moral attitudes and the ensuing social and legal pressures. Much too often, it seems, it is argued that supply causes demand and not vice versa. As a result, however, a clear data bias exists towards the prosti¬ tutes in the form of police arrest records, health records (in many countries prostitutes are required to undergo regular health checks whereas the customers are not), and employee records of brothels, massage parlors, etc. (Symanski, 1981).

>>22364116


It even appears easier to survey and interview prostitutes as they tend to be present in one location for an extended period of time whereas the customer may make only a brief visit to the red light district. In addition, it has been thought that the customers would not like to be interviewed as it increases their “exposure” and might reveal their double standards. Kleiber and Wilke’s (1995) study of German sex tourists in a number of different destination countries (Thailand, Philippines, Kenya, Brazil, Dominican Republic) showed, however, that to successfully inter¬ view sex tourists is not an impossible feat as their sample size included 661 heterosexual male, 122 homosexual male, and 24 heterosexual female sex tourists.

>>22364117

The latter category was very small, making comparisons between male and female sex tourists impractical. Deficiencies in the survey strategy were a major reason for the small sample. For example, the authors only tried to contact female sex tourists in Kenya and not the other destination countries. For practical purposes, the authors defined a sex tourist as somebody who engaged in sex with a prostitute, knowingly excluding many other forms of sex tourism, and potential respondents were approached in the destination countries in typical settings for sexual activi¬ ties or encounters (e.g., bars, beach).As a result, the sample is not necessarily representative, but it provides some very valuable quantitative insights into the data-deficient aspect of sex tourists.

>>22364119

Kleiber and Velten’s (1994) study of the customers of prostitutes in Germany included a sample of 598 respondents who answered to one of many advertise¬ ments in newspapers and magazines that asked for female prostitute customers to come forward and share their experiences for a research project.This self-identifi¬ cation approach resulted in a biased sample towards the younger and more well- educated spectrum of the population.

>>22364120


Kleiber and Wilke (1995) also reported on the results of an add-on section to the annual representative nationwide tourism survey in Germany, which was answered by about 60% of all the respondents who had traveled in 1992.The survey revealed that 8.5% of all those who answered the add-on questionnaire had engaged in sex with a person whom they only met during the holidays.This compares favorably with a 7% result in a similar survey in Switzerland (Kleiber & Wilke, 1995). If one draws the inference from this 8.5% to the whole population of German travelers, it means that in that year 2.2 million German tourists had sex with a previously

>>22364122


unknown person, may that have been a fellow traveler, a local, or a prostitute. Approximately one third or 800,000 of these were with a non-German partner, and some 11% of these were in the form of sex for money. Hence, if one was to use a very narrow definition of sex tourists as being those who pay for their services, there would have been about 100,000 German sex tourists in 1992. Because one might expect a certain underreporting, especially in respect to the financial reimbursement, this figure should be taken as the absolute minimum.

>>22364124

Not surprisingly, sex tourists often have multiple sex partners during their travel (Table 1.1). Contrary to popular belief, however, they do not seem to have different women every day or even several on each day but often spend a lot of time with one prostitute.Their sexual encounters were not limited to prostitutes either. On average, some 15% of the respondents in that survey also had sexual contacts with fellow holiday makers of either German (6%) or other nationality (9%). Interesting also was the fact that most respondents (77%) had not made use of prostitutes at home during the previous year, but had been in one or more regular relationships.

>>22364127

Rowbottom (1991) reported that Australian sex tourists to Southeast Asia also had sex with multiple partners, both with prostitutes and casual contacts besides their regular partners if they traveled with the latter. Indeed, the majority of those sex tourists traveling with their spouse or regular partner also had sex with others.The incidence of having engaged in sexual actvities was the highest among those who had traveled to Thailand (94%) and the Philippines (96%). As several authors (e.g., De Schryver & Meheus, 1989; Mulhall et al., 1993; Rowbottom, 1991) have pointed out, this active sexual behavior of travelers, often without using condoms, facili¬ tates the spread of sexually transmitted diseases, including AIDS, to and from countries of origin and destination.

>>22364128

Many authors (e g., Launer, 1993; Renschler, 1987b) recognize that there are different types of prostitution, ranging from women forced into the trade to those making a conscious decision to enter the trade. Launer (1993) distinguishes a three-tier system of prostitution in Southeast Asia, namely high-class prostitution,

>>22364130


tourism services, and poverty prostitution; similar class differences have been observed by other authors (e g.,Almeida, 1988; Latza, 1987; Naibavu & Schutz,
1974) in other countries. High-class prostitutes serve the domestic elite and foreign businessmen and are generally from a middle- or upper-class background who actually could enter other well-paying carreers or indeed may do prostitution just as a sideline.These prostitutes often retain a large share, if not all, of their earnings. Prostitutes working in the tourism service are also often independent workers or are attached to a bar, which the customer has to pay to release the prostitute.They are able to negotiate their own price with the customer directly and, therefore, are able to retain most of their income as well.The worst off are the prostitutes in the brothels where they are often kept as slaves who have to pay off their original acquisition fee first (Renschler, 1987b). Generally they serve an exclusively domestic clientele (Latza, 1987; Launer, 1993). However, in contrast to many developed countries, pimps are rare in Southeast Asia (Latza, 1987).

>>22364132


Prostitutes in developed countries can also be distinguished into different catego¬ ries according to their working environment and especially their money-retaining potential.There are also high-class prostitutes who often work independently or are attached to exclusive escort agencies.Then there are prostitutes working in the better brothels or bars who have to pay a higher share to the owner, but who usually can determine their working hours and do not have to worry too much about police harassment if they are licenced. At the bottom of the scale are the street workers, who are often not able, to obtain a licence even if it were available (see Chapter 10; Symanski, 1981). Because streetwalking is illegal in many coun¬ tries, or at least frowned upon, these prostitutes are more often arrested and are generally subject to more police harassment. In addition, to survive in the streets they often have a pimp, which reduces their money-retaining ability even further (Symanski, 1981).

>>22364133

Although there are often social and personal reasons that make certain women likely candidates for prostitution, many simply discover that working in an illegal or immoral market makes good economic sense.Throughout history prostitution has provided a solution to the problem of economic hardship. Simply put, men are willing to pay more for sexual access than for almost all other forms of female labor. (Symanski, 1981, p. 3)

>>22364135


There are several reasons to become prostitute, many of them related to social factors. Poverty is often mentioned as the primary reason for women in developing countries being involved in prostitution (e.g.,Ackermann & Filter, 1994, Cottingham, 1981; Hausler, 1993; Launer, 1993; Senftleben, 1986). In Thailand, according to Launer (1993), increasingly parents are selling their daughters to brothels in order to obtain money for the purchase of luxury goods. But loss of face in Asian (and also Western) societies, out-of-wedlock childbirth, or rape are other frequent reasons why women leave for the anonymity of large cities and eventually enter into prostitution as means to survive.

>>22364136

Senftleben (1986) suggested that in Taiwan the reasons for entering prostitution have changed as the society and wealth of the country have changed. Whereas in former times it was mostly extreme poverty or escape from prearranged marriages, in modern Taiwan it is often the free choice of the women lured by the good pay and relatively attractive working conditions compared to factory work. Similar arguments have also been mentioned for other developing countries, with consum¬ erism seemingly becoming an increasingly more important reason to enter the trade (e.g., Hausler, 1993).These reasons resemble those in Western societies, at least for those working in the middle and higher parts of the prostitution spectrum (e g., Scott, 1994; Symanski, 1981;Thompson & Marred, 1992). “There are two kinds of prostitutes . . .: those who work from need, and those who work from greed.The first are likely to be lower-class women, those in the second category have bought the myth of consumerism” (Symanski, 1981, p. 63).

>>22364137

On discussions about sex tourism destinations, the fact is often ignored that a large number of prostitutes are also active in less typical sex tourism destinations such as Germany or The Netherlands. The Hamburg Reeperbahn, the Berlin Kurfiirstendamm, or the red light districts ofAmsterdam and Rotterdam are world- famous sex destinations, attracting both international and domestic sex tourists. In Germany estimates include 50,000-400,000 female prostitutes (Kleiber & Velten, 1994) serving 1.2 million customers daily (Ackermann & Filter, 1994). Many of the prostitutes in developed countries are foreigners. For example,Ackermann and Filter (1994) stated that one third of the prostitutes in Germany are foreigners. Moreover, Schmitz (1987a) reported that 40% of all prostitutes in Zurich (Switzer¬ land) were from developing countries alone.

>>22364138


Symanski (1981) reported that there were about 250,000-350,000 prostitutes in the United States and more than 200,000 in Poland. Launer (1993) reported that there were 140,000-300,000 in South Korea. Yet, in most countries nobody really knows how many there are. Even in countries such as Germany, where prostitution is generally legal, a large number of prostitutes do not register, perhaps because they fear to be stigmatized or because they only work part-time. Especially women who are housewives or students often fear that through registration their side- work may become known to their husbands, friends, or future employers (see Chapter 11).

>>22364139

In many developing countries where prostitution is illegal, it is even more difficult to obtain accurate figures and consequently the estimates vary considerably, perhaps depending on the motives of the authors. In Thailand, for example, the numbers provided range from 700,000 to 2 million with up to 800,000 of the latter estimate being under the age of 16 (e.g.,Ackermann & Filter, 1994; Launer, 1993). Considering that approximately 25% of the 6 million international tourist arrivals to Thailand in recent years were sex tourists and that only 25% of the prostitutes work for international tourists, this would mean that for these 1.5 million interna¬ tional sex tourists there was contact with 200,000-500,000 prostitutes, or only

>>22364140


three to eight tourists per prostitute. Given that each sex tourist makes use of an average of four prostitutes during his visit, thus bringing the number of tourists per prostitute to 12-30, it would seem as though the prostitutes are severely underworked and most would be starving to death. Hence, this simple calculation suggests that many estimates are just that, namely estimates with little or no foundation in reality. This is not to say that there are not many prostitutes in countries such as Thailand, but that the numbers of prostitutes are probably lower than some sources suggest and many authors unquestioningly repeat.

>>22364141

Besides the solitary pavement, prostitutes hustle in bars, cafes, “grindie” theaters, and around shipping docks and trucking stops.They get business through the telephone, referrals from colleagues, and CB radios. (Symanski, 1981, p. 169)

>>22364142


Sex tourism and prostitution take place just about everywhere. It is not restricted to certain countries, areas, cities, or seedy parts of a city. It is only more apparent in some places than in others, either because it is in fact more prevalent or be¬ cause it is in a form that attracts more public and police attention. Symanski (1981) argued convincingly that there is an obvious police bias against certain types of prostitution and prostitutes. As a result, some prostitutes are picked up more often than others, giving certain parts of town a reputation that they may not deserve. Particularly streetwalkers are prone to frequent arrest, whereas call girls and especially mistresses face few such hassles. Symanski also suggested that many streetwalkers work in the same area day after day as the regularity of work place provides them with regular customers and, therefore, regular sources of income, to the extent that they establish territorial claims.

>>22364143


Working the same stroll infuses much needed predictability into an illegal, sometimes dangerous, environment. Knowledge of place means that prosti¬ tutes become familiar with the quirks, prejudices, and demands of hotel owners, bellhops, and elevator boys, good, bad, and indifferent types of potential customers who come to the area and—most important of all—the policemen who patrol. (Symanski, 1981, p. 176)

>>22364145

Where prostitution is legal, as for example in most of Nevada but not in Las Vegas (Clark County), there are few reasons to hide the activity behind different fronts; as a result, brothels are often called as such. Where the activity is illegal, more or less elaborate fronts are established in order to pacify the public eye.The massage parlor is but one typical approach (see Chapter 8 and Chapter 10).At some point, no one will be fooled into believing that, for example, massage parlors are anything but brothels.And yet, by some twisted social logic, the fact that they are called massage parlors rather than brothels ensures their continuing existence (Symanski, 1981, p. 215). But prostitution or sexual gratification for money can take place virtually everywhere; in cars, parks, streets, hotels and motels, private homes, bars, dance places, etc. As Senftleben (1986) suggested, it is often not easy to ascertain that such activities are taking place except for those in the know.

>>22364146


Figure 1.1 presents a framework of the major issues identified in sex tourism that are central to the concepts of sex tourism and prostitution. Most of the included variables are represented within sex tourism in an axis form rather than as uniquely defined points and issues. For example, monetary exchange or reimburse¬ ment is only one end of the spectrum. At the other end are forms of open-ended prostitution where little or no monetary exchange takes place, at least not in the short run. Intentions and the actual act are another two end points of a spectrum. Similarly, the tourist may shift his/her location on the spectrum as the journey progresses through its time-space dimension. Obviously traveling is a key charac¬ teristic of the definition and occurrence of sex tourism, but the issue of who is doing the traveling is much less well-defined: either the demand is the tourist or the supply is the tourist, or both. The individual aspects of the framework are discussed below.

>>22364147


Many tourists experience sexual encounters simply because the opportunity arises or because they meet like-minded individuals. In other cases, they just feel lonely and sexually deprived (e.g.,people on conference travel) and use the opportunity of being an “unknown stranger” to buy sexual services. If these persons were confronted with the question “Are you a sex tourist?”, none would answer “Yes.”To what extent does intention to enter into a sexual encounter while traveling need to be present to classify somebody as a sex tourist? In other words, does it need to be planned sexual behavior? Or is openness to such a possibility sufficient? What about those travelers who were lured by insinuated potential sexual encounters in advertisements to book a holiday (Chapter 2)? For example, in a discussion of the “Spring Break Phenomenon” in the United States, Gerlach (1989) suggests the students’ travel motives are “to drink, raise hell, and ultimately involve themselves in sexual activities” (p. 15).Are all the more than 1 million Spring Break travelers each year in the United States sex tourists? Or do both intention and the actual “act” need to be present to qualify one to be classified as sex tourist?

>>22364148


Kleiber and Wilke’s (1995) interviews with German sex tourists are helpful here. They asked two questions of particular relevance to this issue: if the tourists intended to engage in sex with local women before their departure (Table 1.2), and if they would call themselves sex tourists (Table 1.3). In four out of five countries, some 70% of the interviewed tourists answered the first question positively and even in the fifth country, the Dominican Republic, it was still the majority. Because the interviewed persons had already had contact with prostitutes to be included in the survey, one could qualify these 55-70% for all practical purposes as sex tourists because both intention and actual sexual involvement

>>22364150

with a prostitute were present.Yet, only a minority of around 20% considered themselves as being sex tourists (Table 1.3). This phenomenon of not seeing oneself as a sex tourists when all obvious signs of being such are present is an interesting sociopsychological phenomenon that Gunther (Chapter 7) analyzes in more detail.
Mulhall et al. (1993) examined the planned sexual activities ofAustralian tourists to Thailand (Table 1.4). More than 20% of the responding men indicated that they planned to have sex while in Thailand, but only 6% of the women responded so positively. However, another 47% and 29%, respectively, said it depends on the situation. As to the type of sexual partner they would or could themselves with, fellow Australian or non-Australian travelers were clearly favored over locals.

>>22364153

Monetary exchange is commonly considered as the most important characteristic of prostitute-customer relationships. Yet the field of sex tourism goes beyond the traditional norm of prostitution, as was elaborated above and vividly illustrated by

>>22364155


authors such as Cohen (1986), Odzer (1994), Dahles (Chapter 3), and Phillip and Dann (Chapter 6). Hence, one may need to give monetary exchange a wider meaning than simply the immediate exchange of money. In the case of mistresses, the “customer” may provide the accommodation, clothing, travel, etc. (Chapter 14). And even in typical sex tourism settings, quite a number of sexual encounters seem to be taking place without direct sex-for-money exchange (Table 1.5). Pruitt and LaFont (1995) argued that, in the case of female sex tourists to Jamaica, “neither actor considers their interaction to be prostitution, even while others may label it so.The actors place an emphasis on courtship rather than the exchange of sex for money” (p. 423). Although Pruitt and LaFont used that argument to support their thesis that female sex tourism to Jamaica is not sex but romance tourism, many male sex tourists also see the monetary exchange as peripheral to the relationship, especially in developing countries where they often tend to stay with one prostitute for several weeks or even on repeat visits (e.g.. Chapter 7; Ackermann & Filter, 1994; Latza, 1987).

>>22364157


In developing countries, there seems to exist an interesting phenomenon whereby tourists not only hire prostitutes on an hourly basis but may be with them for weeks on end. It appears not uncommon for such relationships to extend for several days or even weeks (Chapter 3 and Chapter 7;AGISRA, 1990;Ackermann & Filter 1994; Latza, 1989).Table 1.6 indicates the difference between some develop¬ ing countries and, in this instance, Germany. Whereby the interaction between customer and prostitute lasted in almost 80% of the cases less than 1 hour in Germany, close to 50% of the sex tourists interviewed in a range of developing countries indicated that they had been together with the same prostitute for several days. This extended time spent with one prostitute is obviously also a contributing factor to the self-perception of the tourists.The prostitutes are not reimbursed after or before each sexual act when spending day after day together. Undoubtedly, the prostitutes also get their customers to pay, but payment is packaged in different forms, for example, as support for the education of their siblings or paying for the hospital visit of their mother (e g., Odzer, 1994).This helps to give the tourists the illusion that they are together with a “friend” rather

>>22364159


than with a prostitute, something they can hardly get in Germany or other devel¬ oped countries where the prostitute-customer encounter is very much dominated by sex-monetary exchange (Chapter 7; Kruhse-Mountburton, 1995; Symanski, 1981).The “soft-selling techniques” adopted by prostitutes in developing countries leave a lot of room for the interpretation of the relationship on both sides. As Gunther (Chapter 7) vividly illustrates, the sex tourist can see himself as being in love or just being with a woman friend.The prostitute could arguably see herself as having a string of individual relationships with men whajust happen to pay her bills and support her family.
Comparing Table 1.5 with Table 1.3, one immediately recognizes that whereas many men did pay their prostitute with money, that was no reason for them to see themselves as sex tourists.

>>22364160

Very often travelers are classified according to their primary activity. Hence, a business traveler is somebody whose primary purpose of travel is, for example, to attend a meeting. However, that same person may also use the opportunity to stroll around downtown and do some shopping, add a couple nights of vacation, and rent a car to visit interesting places. Or a traveler visiting friends and relatives (VFR) may also tour the destination just like any other pleasure traveler would do. As Naibavu and Schutz (1974) noted, sexual activity in most cases is incidental to other travel motives;
Visitors do not mainly come to Fiji in search of sex, whether in the form of prostitution or otherwise. . . . The primary motive for travel may be to experience a different physical or social environment or to enjoy the prestige of foreign travel. Sex, like food, is often incidental to these things, (p. 66)

>>22364161
If primary activity or amount of time is a deciding factor, then there might not exist very many sex tourists. After all, the amount of time spent on sexual activities is probably relatively small compared to other activities. If travel purpose is the deciding factor, then only those people who set out with “sex” in their mind are sex tourists. Yet, as was discussed above, this number may also be fairly small compared to the full range of what might be classified as sex tourists.

>>22364162

Another category of travelers quite renowned for their usage of prostitutes are military persons.The military presence of the United States during the Vietnam War is generally attributed with the rapid increase in prostitution in Thailand, the Philippines and, while they were still there, in Vietnam.The “rest & relaxation” program for soldiers resulted in a strong male bias in the “R&R” areas with the resulting influx of prostitutes (Cottingham, 1981). Latza (1989) reported that whenever the U.S. navy was in Pattaya (Thailand), prices for almost everything tripled or quadrupled, a result of the sudden increase in demand and the limited time available to the sailors. Yet, obviously these sailors’ main travel purpose was not sex.

>>22364163

Since prostitution and courtship exists as a continuum, the vast majority of copulatory opportunities involve costs to males in terms of time and/or material goods. In the male perspective, prostitution realistically may repre¬ sent nothing other than a relatively explicit sexual transaction. (Symanski, 1981, p. 251)

>>22364164

Symanski suggested that prostitution and a “normal” relationship are parts of a
•
relationship continuum.This notion was supported by Cohen (1986,1993), who revealed that not everything is black and white in customer-prostitute relation¬ ships. Prostitutes often start straightforward sexual service-monetary exchange relationships that then, over time as the customer stays for an extended period of time in the destination, may evolve into a relationship of “travel companion” and eventually perhaps even marriage (Thiemann, 1989). Similar to the regularity of client-prostitute “business relationships” in the Western world (Symanski, 1981), sex tourists often return to the same prostitute on repeat holidays (e.g.,
Ackermann & Filter, 1994; Latza, 1987; Launer, 1993), keeping the contact through writing letters.Among the interviewed sex tourists, some 20% had very firm intentions to be reunited with the same prostitute on future visits and another 35% mentioned perhaps or probably (Table 1.7).The repeat customer relationship appears beneficial on both sides as it reduces the “risk taking” for both.

>>22364165

Though initially men paid outright for sex, prostitution in Thailand differed from the West in the way women used poverty and the Third World condi¬ tions ofThailand to turn the customer/prostitute relationship into a savior/ damsel-in-distress relationship. It was hard for men to leave the country where they played the role of hero so completely. . . . Many men eventually married the women they met in a Patpong bar. (Odzer, 1994, p 15)
Marriage is certainly an aspiration on the side of some prostitutes involved in open-ended prostitution.When does the prostitute, in such a development, stop being a prostitute? Certainly not with the signing of the marriage certificate.

>>22364166

What is the case with mistresses or second wives who do not live at one’s usual place of residence? Hobson and Heung (Chapter 14) reveal that this is not uncom¬ mon in the Hong Kong-China border area where quite a number of Hong Kong residents support a second wife. A similar situation exists at theThailand-Malaysia border and may indeed be present at many different borders, not only those between countries with drastic economic disparities. It is not unheard of that sailors or traveling salesmen have more than one wife, conveniently located in different parts of the country or world.

>>22364167
With the increase in female executives, the reversed sex roles may also become more common. As was reported in a popular New Zealand female magazine, the number of male prostitutes or callboys is on the increase and at least one had been offered to be set up in his own apartment paid by a female executive frequently being in town (Wane, 1996). Indeed, Pruitt and LaFont (1995) also mentioned that some women enjoy the power that money gives them over men.

>>22364168


The economic and social status the women enjoy provides them with a security and independence that translates into power and control in the relationship. Some of the women enjoy the control they have in these rela¬ tionships and express a preference for keeping a man dependent on them. (p. 427)

>>22364169


Hence, as women increase their economic and social standing around the world, one might expect more and more female sex tourists and consequently more male prostitutes serving females.

>>22364170


Another issue is sex with colleagues or friends while traveling who are not one’s usual sexual partner.These examples may suffice to show that, once one moves out of the “usual sexual relationship,” a whole range of complex relationships exists that are traditionally not considered as falling into the area of sex tourism but that could easily be constructed as such.

>>22364171

In terms of the “sexual encounter” itself, a range of questions and issues can be raised.Traditionally, a sexual act was considered to be penetrative, vaginal inter¬ course (in heterosexual relationships), which, as a definition, does not apply to homosexual encounters. If one spins the net wider, what would be considered as being included? Oral or hand jobs? Or is watching already enough to qualify? Obviously, there are many places that offer peep-shows and where customers commonly masturbate. Some customers would simply travel to such facilities for that purpose. In Thailand and the Philippines, many places offer sex shows and, although prostitutes are also available, the primary purpose of those watching is simple voyeurism (Latza, 1987).

>>22364173


Other encounters involve topless bars and shows, with some offering table¬ dancing and lap-dancing (Chapter 11 and Chapter 12;Thompson & Harred, 1992) where customers receive merely sexual stimuli at one end of the spectrum and perhaps masturbation through lap-dancing at the other end (Schmitz, 1987a). What

>>22364174


happens after the shows is yet another issue, with at least the dancers and/or waitresses sometimes also being available for “real” sexual activities after working hours off premises (Chapter 16; Schmitz, 1987a; Symanski, 1981).Thompson and Hatred (1992) reported that dancers have even coined the term “parking lot duty” to describe sexual encounters that supposedly occurred in the parking lots outside the clubs because soliciting and prostitution were strictly prohibited in the clubs.

>>22364175


The Internet opens up a whole range of new questions in that area as the “cus¬ tomer” is not physically traveling any longer, but nonetheless may be considered a “cyberspace tourist” or even a “cyberspace sex tourist” (Chapter 13; Durkin & Bryant, 1995). Perhaps it is not unlike the “phone sex lines” where customers also remain at home but the prostitute may be on the other side of the world, providing sexual arousal and helping the customer to masturbate. Just as with brothels, peep- shows, or porn magazines, the cybersex tourist also has to pay his or her way into these sites with sexual content, generally conveniently made easy by payment through a credit card.

>>22364176

If one compares the various sexual practices that German sex tourists or custom¬ ers of prostitutes are engaging in with the prostitutes or with their usual partner, one notes that intercourse is by far the most common form, followed by oral sex where the female is the active partner (Table 1.8). However, the latter seemed to be less prevalent at home with the usual partner, where the men themselves seem to be taking more the active role when it comes to oral sex. Other activities that are more prevalent with prostitutes are “sex with multiple partners,”“anal,” and, in the case of German prostitutes, “bondage & discipline.”

>>22364177


As addressed above, it is not always the tourists who are traveling to the prostitutes; sometimes it is the prostitute who is the tourist serving the locals; or sometimes both are foreigners to the actual place where the sexual encounter takes place. In Limbang (Sarawak, Malaysia), for example, most male demand originates from Brunei, which is only 30 minutes down the river. However, much of this demand is not from Brunei citizens but temporary workers or business travelers working in Brunei and looking for sexual experience and release in the slightly more relaxed environment of the cities in neighboring Sarawak. Yet, most of the prostitutes in these towns are also not locals, but rather migrants or immigrants.

>>22364178

One may also recall the colonial times in Malaysia when the male immigrant workers in the tin mines and rubber plantages were served by an immigrant prostitute population brought into the country solely for that purpose. Similar circumstances prevailed in many other countries (e.g., in the United States and its Chinese railroad workers).And in Thailand, the majority of the prostitutes until the 1930s were of Chinese origin largely serving a Chinese immigrant population (Leheny, 1995; von Krause, 1993). In more modern settings, Launer (1993) reported that a considerable number of South Koreans work as Kisaeng women in Japan, and Leheny (1995) also suggested that quite a number of women from other Asian countries work in Japan as prostitutes. It is also frequently reported that women from Laos, Myanmar, and even Southern China are working as prostitutes in Thai¬ land and that most of the prostitutes in Bangkok and Pattaya are from Thailand’s poor Northeast.

>>22364179

International travel of prostitutes is only one aspect; many prostitutes work away from their home in their own country, especially for big events such as the navy coming to port (Launer, 1993). Such a pattern has a long history. For example, Symanski (1981) reported that prostitutes traveled with the Roman legion and other armies, traveled to army bases for payday, solicited while traveling in trains such as the Winnipeg-Vancouver or Leningrad-Moscow lines, traveled from city to city on planned prostitution circuits, followed the “snowbirds” to the warmer parts of Europe for the winter, or simply commuted for the weekend to Las Vegas from Southern California. Similarly, Aparicio (1993) related how prostitutes in the Dominican Republic engage in seasonal migration to the respective tourist hubs during different times of the year. In addition, most of the prostitutes are women from the inland rural areas who have migrated to the coast but who return home frequently. Hausler (1993) reported that Indian prostitutes flock to Goa during the high season around Carnival and Christmas. She also noted that some of the upper- class tourists bring their prostitutes with them.

>>22364180

In Pangandaran, Indonesia, the majority of both tourists and prostitutes are Indonesian; the latter are outsiders to that particular tourist resort, although some local women and men are also in¬ volved in prostitution (Wilkinson & Pratiwi, 1995).

>>22364181


This chapter provided an overview of what might constitute sex tourism and prostitution and discussed many of the pertinent aspects of both.The framework of sex tourism and prostitution (Figure 1.1) is useful for understanding the range of activities and the multifaceted nature of customer-prostitute relationships.The

>>22364182

overview of the literature on sex tourism and prostitution also revealed that, whereas a number of recent studies have added insights into the phenomenon, there are still many areas that require more attention and research. Unfortunately, these topics are highly charged with emotions, social prejustice, sociocultural and political bias, and economic interests—often resulting in at least questionnable data provided by authorities and organizations.The problem of data accuracy seems to be a major hurdle in this particular field of inquiry, even more so than in the wider field of tourism. Few authors have actually collected primary data; most rely on data provided by others, sometimes without realizing that those authors also derived their data from elsewhere, or used estimates of estimates of estimates.

>>22364183

The following chapter discusses the usage of nudity and sexual innuendo in picture and language in tourism marketing and specifically destination marketing. The wide range of different forms that sex tourism and prostitution might take and the associated problems, issues, and opportunities are presented in Chapters 3 through 15.They range from discussions of beachboys available for female and male customers (Chapters 3 and 4) to child prostitution (Chapters 4 and 5); from topless or exotic dancing (Chapters 11 and 12) to concubines (Chapter 14); from sex in cyberspace (Chapter 13) to female prostitutes (Chapters 6 and 10); and from legal issues (Chapters 8 and 9) to the sex tourists themselves (Chapter 7).
The final chapter will then return to a more general perspective on who actually benefits and who is exploited in sex tourism and prostitution.This collection is not intended to be yet another book that decries sex tourism. Instead, it intends to provide a well-balanced and diverse overview of the different forms that sex tourism and prostitution take.

>>22364184

Marketing has long made use of idealized sexual images and information to sell products. Over the last few decades the general use of sexual imagery to advertise many types of products has greatly increased (Kerin, Lundstrom, & Sciglimpaglia, 1979; Soley & Reid, 1988). Nowhere is this more evident than in the tourism industry.A glance through most tourism brochures will soon reveal not only an obvious gender bias, but also a preponderance of naked skin, especially among the portrayed female models. Bikini-clad tourists lounging at pool sides, exotic locals in grass skirts, and happy couples strolling on the beach have long been used as images in travel and tourism promotion. “The romance, mystique and eroticism of the South Pacific” has been identified as a promotional option for a regional South Pacific tourism strategy (Yacoumis, 1989). In addition, the smiling faces of flight attendants and the promise of subservient service have also been used in airline promotions. It cannot be denied that the use of sexual imagery and sexual innu¬ endo is widespread in tourism marketing. Yet, few studies have examined the effect of such advertising on the actual travel decision. In a more general view. Smith (1983) questioned advertising’s effect on changing travel patterns, citing a lack of supportive reliable data. This chapter will deliberate on why, how, and to what extent sex images and sexual imagery are used in tourism destination marketing.

>>22364185

For more than 20 years, images and perceptions of tourism destinations have been a major area of tourism research (e.g.. Chon, 1990; Echtner & Ritchie, 1993;
Gartner, 1993; Hunt, 1975;Woodside & Lysonski, 1989). Essentially, most authors have argued that tourist visitation patterns are greatly influenced by tourists’ images and perceptions of destinations. Studies have also examined advertising’s ability to influence tourists’ perceptions and behavior, concluding that marketing

>>22364186

plays an important role in creating tourism destination images (Dilley, 1986). Tourism promotions can therefore be very powerful economic tools as “image is the most important aspect of tourist attraction” (Lew, 1987).

>>22364187

Images of tourism destinations are the sum of ideas and beliefs about a destination. Thus, they are highly individualistic in nature and may change at any time. Unfortu¬ nately, the term “image” has been used in four different ways with similar, yet distinct, meanings. Hence, one needs to distinguish among the “presented,”“or¬ ganic,” and “perceived” images.The first are the images presented by the destina¬ tions, operators, travel agencies, etc.—what Gunn (1988) and Gartner (1993) termed “induced images.”The second are formed from sources not directly related to the destination area, such as movies, documentaries, word-of-mouth, and news. These two types of images are the “input” into the individual’s perceived image formation process.These inputs are filtered, with the “filter” being affected by the individual’s own experiences, desires, background, etc.At the end of this process emerges a perceived or cognitive image of a tourism destination, a specific holiday package, a travel agency, an airline, etc.

>>22364188

The sum of all individuals’ images of a destination in a specific market may be termed the “market’s image” of that particular destination—the fourth type of image.This gives recognition to the fact that the very same destination is usually perceived quite differently in different markets (Crompton, 1979) and that market¬ ing strategies need to be tailored to these differences (Dilley, 1986). Destinations
need to be very aware, however, that once a negative image is established in a market, it may take a long time to recover from such an image as it tends to linger around (Lucas, 1994).

>>22364189

Today’s media is a powerful agent in the formation of destination images, espe¬ cially of distant places that the viewers and/or readers are not familiar with (Butler, 1990).The murders of tourist in Florida, California, and Egypt made world head¬ lines, as do military coups and volcano eruptions.Any such event has an almost instantaneous impact on tourist flows.As Richter (1993) noted, the four “Ss”—sun, sand, sea, and sex—need to be expanded to five “Ss,” by adding “safety,” which is arguably as powerful an agent in directing and redirecting tourist flows as the others.

>>22364190


Despite the large number of studies that have investigated tourism destination image, none has explicitly included “sex” as a variable.Typically, destination image studies have investigated the importance of a range of physical, historical, and cultural destination attributes, such as climate, coastline, historical buildings, and friendliness of the people. Yet, for a long time, it has been implicitly recognized that, besides all the natural, cultural, and historical beauty, holiday destination promotion emphasizes sex.

>>22364191


Nudity and sexual innuendo have been increasing in advertising (LaTour & Henthorne, 1993). Sexual innuendo is implied in the language of tourism advertising (Dann, 1996) and it usually takes one of two forms. First, the promotional language describes the destination and its people in sexually permissive terms, thus actually locating erotic feelings in the tourist himself or herself (Dann, 1996). An example is a tourism advertisement that describes a destination in explicit and direct terms such as “vacation in the land of most beautiful women in the world, accessible and sensible. . . .’’The second form is “sexual mythology” as shown in an advertisement for Phuket,Thailand: “the island of incredible lushness and ready to delight your every taste. . . .”The reasons for the use of sex in marketing are “that sexuality is a persuasive motivator in consumer behavior” (Gould, 1995, p. 395) and “that travel may be readily compared to the phenomenon of love in terms of its varieties, approaches, games, and conquests; travel is a disorienting process in which one abandons the familiarity of home for exciting new amorous experiences elsewhere where the destination becomes a woman” (Cassou, 1967, as in Dann, 1996, p. 127).This “destination being a woman” perspective also surfaces in the feminist literature on sex tourism and tourism destinations (see Chapter 16). Gould (1995) further observed that there has been little systematic effort in studying the relationship between sexuality and consumption patterns.

>>22364192

Although nudity and sexual content usually increase the attention directed to¬ wards that advertisement, this does not translate into positive feelings about that advertisement or the product promoted. To the contrary, it is often perceived as offensive (Alexander & Judd, 1979; LaTour & Henthorne, 1993; Mitchell, 1986).The Austrian airline, Lauda Air, had to withdraw the advertisements it had placed for Thailand in Germany, after objections that the provocative youthful looking girl on the advertisements would encourage underage sex (Hobson & Dietrich, 1994). Further, Peterson and Kerin (1977) argued that the actual outcome may be largely influenced by the congruence of product and the sexual content of the advertise¬ ment.

>>22364193

In looking at print advertisement, LaTour and Henthorne (1993) argued that sexual or erotic advertising uses two approaches: amount of nudity and degree of sugges¬ tiveness. Suggestiveness is often achieved by using more than one model in an ad, whose respective positions may suggest anything from romanticism to very close intimacy (Lowry, 1993).The typical tourism destination advertisement, however, consists of more than just a picture. Thus, these two approaches are complemented by a third: the language used. Commonly, sexual innuendo in language goes hand in hand with the actual imagery. In some cases, both obtain their sexual meaning only by being combined in an advertisement.

>>22364195


“Advertising presents an unrealistic or idealized picture of people and their lives” (Richins, 1991, p. 71). By using attractive models, advertisements invite a social comparison of the viewers with these models, which may result in lower self- satisfaction among viewers, despite being aware of the unrealistic nature of the advertisements. Joseph (1982) showed that advertisements with attractive models are generally more effective, thus supporting the implicit or explicit promise of advertisements that one’s life will more closely approach the ideal by product use even though this promise is imperfectly, if at all, fulfilled (Richins, 1991).

>>22341866
Natural reaction, as shown by our conquistador forefathers